On p. 17 of Rules for Principles and Principles for Rules: Tools for Crafting Sound Financial Regulation (here), Heath P. Tarbert, the Chairman and Chief Executive of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, provides a useful table that he notes “is intended to be a helpful reference point for regulators confronted with finding the appropriate balance between principles and rules.”  I found myself thinking of how helpful a table like this – and the article in general – would have been when I was teaching courses focused on the regulation of financial markets! 

I highly recommend this very readable work to BLPB readers, especially to those teaching in the area of regulation.  In fact, I’d likely make this article assigned reading if I were teaching a course on financial regulation this fall.  It does an excellent job of providing an overview of the strengths and weaknesses of principles-based versus rules-based approaches to regulation and discussing hybrid possibilities.  It also examines four categories of factors that suggest taking one approach over the other (summarized in the p.17 table), and applies these factors to several areas (automated trading, position limits, cross-border regulations, and digital assets).             

In doing a routine SSRN search, I’m always thrilled to see an exciting new banking article!  At the top of my “to read list” for this week is Michael Salib & Christina Parajon Skinner’s, Executive Override of Central Banks: A Comparison of the Legal Frameworks in the United States and the United Kingdom (here).  For a quick read, the authors have a post on the CLS Blue Sky Blog (here).  The article’s abstract is here:

This Article examines executive branch powers to “override” the decisions of an independent central bank. It focuses in particular on the power and authority of a nation’s executive branch to direct its central bank, thereby circumscribing canonical central bank independence. To investigate this issue, this Article compares two types of executive over- rides: those found in the United States, exercised by the U.S. Treasury (Treasury) over the U.S. Federal Reserve (the Fed), and those in the United Kingdom, exercised by Her Majesty’s Treasury (HM Treasury) over the Bank of England (the Bank). This Article finds that in the former, the power is informal and subject to minimal formal oversight, whereas in the latter, there are legal powers of executive override within

This past week, I had occasion to return to the Financial Stability Board’s (FSB) recent Consultative document, Guidance on financial resources to support CCP resolution and on the treatment of CCP equity in resolution (Guidance), which I wrote a brief post about several weeks ago (here).  In doing so, I spent more time thinking about the possibility of clearinghouse shareholders raising “no creditor worse off than in liquidation” (NCWOL) claims in a resolution scenario.  I’m struggling with this idea.  Shareholders are not creditors.  I’ve decided to research this issue more and plan to write a short article.  Stay tuned.

The Guidance notes the principle:

that in resolution CCP [clearinghouse] equity should absorb losses first, that CCP equity should be fully loss-absorbing, and that resolution authorities should have powers to write down (fully or partially) CCP equity. 

It also notes that:

actions in resolution that expose CCP equity to larger default or non-default losses than in liquidation under the applicable insolvency regime could, based on the relevant counterfactual, enable equity holders to raise NCWOL claims.  This may be inconsistent with the other Key Attributes principle that equity should be fully loss absorbing in resolution.  This may also raise moral

Last Monday, the Financial Stability Board (FSB) released the consultative document, Guidance on financial resources to support CCP resolution and on the treatment of CCP equity in resolution (here).  As readers know, I’ve written several times about clearinghouses, the central feature of the G20’s reforms to the over-the-counter derivative markets following the 2007-08 crises, implemented in the US in Dodd-Frank’s Title VII (for example, here and here).    

The Guidance’s title is a succinct encapsulation of its two-part focus.  In the first part, it uses a five-step process to evaluate the adequacy of a CPP’s resources and available tools to support its resolution (were that to prove necessary).  These steps include:

Step 1: identifying hypothetical default and non-default loss scenarios (and a combination of them) that may lead to resolution;

Step 2: conducting a qualitative and quantitative evaluation of existing resources and tools available in resolution;

Step 3: assessing potential resolution costs;

Step 4: comparing existing resources and tools to resolution costs and identifying any gaps; and

Step 5: evaluating the availability, costs and benefits of potential means of addressing any identified gaps.     

In the second part, the Guidance focuses on how to treat CCP

The National Center for Public Policy Research has posted an open letter to Blackrock CEO Larry Fink that should be of interest to readers of this blog.  I provide some excerpts below.  The full letter can be found here.

Dear Mr. Fink,

….

This economic crisis makes it more important than ever that companies like BlackRock focus on helping our nation’s economy recover. BlackRock and others must not add additional hurdles to recovery by supporting unnecessary and harmful environmental, social, and governance (ESG) shareholder proposals.

…. we are especially concerned that your support for some ESG shareholder proposals and investor initiatives brings political interests into decisions that should be guided by shareholder interests…. when a company’s values become politicized, the interests of the diverse group of shareholders and customers are overshadowed by the narrow interests of activist groups pushing a political agenda.

…. ESG proposals will add an extra-regulatory cost …. This may harm everyday Americans who are invested in these companies through pension funds and retirement plans. While this won’t affect folks in your income bracket, this may be the difference between affording medication, being able to retire, or supporting a family member’s education for many Americans.

There

Iowa’s Greg Shill has a new paper out on Congressional Securities Trading.  As a former congressional staffer, he brings a special appreciation to the issue.

Congressional securities trading has attracted a good bit of attention after controversial trades by Senators Burr and Loeffler.  The scrutiny has even drawn more attention to another surprisingly well-timed trade by Senator Burr.

In his essay, Shill takes up the issue from a policy perspective, looking at how we ought to regulate Congressional Securities Trading.  He draws from ordinary securities regulation and suggest pulling over the trading plan approach and short-swing profit prohibition we use for corporate executives.  This approach should help manage ordinary securities transactions by members of Congress and their staff.  He also advocates for limiting Congressional investing to U.S. index funds and treasuries.  This would reduce the incentive to favor one market participant over another.

The proposed reforms would be a substantial improvement over the status quo.  We should not have legislators with significant financial incentives to favor one company over another when making law and setting policy.  We should also not subsidize public service by tolerating Congressional trading on Congressional information.

Of course, we’ll still face some implementation challenges.

In a December 2018 post (here), I noted that “although esoteric, such issues as who has access to an account at the Fed are critical social policy choices with real world implications that merit broad-based public debate.” 

This past week, a federal district court judge granted the Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s (FRBNY) motion to dismiss The Narrow Bank’s (TNB) complaint in TNB USA Inc. v. Federal Reserve Bank of New York (USDC SDNY) (here).  In light of this recent opinion, I wanted to reiterate my invitation to BLPB readers to think about seemingly technical, arcane issues such as who gets an account at the Fed – a master account is essentially a bank account at a regional Federal Reserve Bank enabling access to the Federal Reserve Payments System –  and how such decisions should be made. The importance of this critical policy issue is only set to increase.  A few months ago, the Federal Reserve announced plans to develop FedNow Service (here).

TNB is a financial institution with an innovative business model.  Professor Peter-Conti Brown has written about it (here).  It’s model is essentially this: open an account at the

What’s the #1 new release in Banking Law on Amazon?  I’m glad you asked!  It’s Professor David Zaring’s first book, The Globalized Governance of Finance (Cambridge University Press).  In 2008, Zaring joined Wharton’s Legal Studies and Business Ethics Department as an assistant professor.  At the time, I was a PhD student in the Department and also focused on banking law.  So, it was really exciting for me to have a banking law scholar join us and I’m thrilled to now have a chance to highlight his new book.  My copy is on its way from Amazon, so for now, I’ll share Zaring’s description of his book and my own thoughts with BLPB readers soon!

The book pulls together work I’ve done on the regulatory networks – the Basel Committee, IOSCO, IAIS, e.g., – that have become the global taste for harmonizing financial regulation.  I think the regimes, and their relative bindingness (especially Basel), are interesting in their own right, and they are also an interesting way of doing global governance, where the sine qua non is often thought to be a treaty enforced by a tribunal, a la the World Trade Organization. 

But in finance, you see neither of those

On January 17, I headed to the University of Florida’s Warrington College of Business to be a discussant at the Huber Hurst Seminar.  A great event!  On the same day, Randal K. Quarles, the Vice Chair for Supervision (a position created by Dodd-Frank) and Governor of the Federal Reserve System gave a speech, Spontaneity and Order: Transparency, Accountability, and Fairness in Bank Supervision, at the 2020 American Bar Association Banking Committee Meeting.  Legal scholars have focused scant attention on bank supervision in the past, but this is starting to change.  It can be a challenging area to work in as Wharton Assistant Professor Peter Conti-Brown explains in The curse of confidential supervisory information.  Indeed, confidential supervisory information is protected from disclosure with criminal penalties.     

Bank regulation (which has received a bit more attention) and bank supervision, though linked concepts, are distinct.  Supervision “implements the regulatory framework.”  An important tension exists in banking supervision.  In his speech, Quarles explains that “We have a public interest in a confidential, tailored, rapid-acting and closely informed system of bank supervision.  And we have a public interest in all governmental processes being fair, predictable, efficient, and accountable.  How

Happy holidays! Billions of people around the world are celebrating Christmas or Hanukah right now. Perhaps you’re even reading this post on a brand new Apple Ipad, a Microsoft Surface, or a Dell Computer. Maybe you found this post via a Google search. If you use a product manufactured by any of those companies or drive a Tesla, then this post is for you. Last week, a nonprofit organization filed the first lawsuit against the world’s biggest tech companies alleging that they are complicit in child trafficking and deaths in the cobalt mines of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Dodd-Frank §1502 and the upcoming EU Conflict Minerals Regulation, which goes into effect in 2021, both require companies to disclose the efforts they have made to track and trace “conflict minerals” — tin, tungsten, tantalum, and gold from the DRC and surrounding countries. DRC is one of the poorest nations in the world per capita but has an estimated $25 trillion in mineral reserves (including 65% of the world’s cobalt). Armed militia use rape and violence as a weapon of war in part so that they control the mineral wealth. The EU and US regulators believe that consumers