So, the Democrats swept Texas. The headline news is the Senate race, but from a corporate perspective, the bigger deal is a Democratic governor, Lieutenant governor, Attorney General, state house, and potentially as of this writing significant moves toward Democrats on the Texas Supreme Court and the Texas 15th Circuit Court of Appeals.
The new Texas business courts have judges that are appointed by the governor for 2-year terms, which makes them accountable to the political branches, and those politics just shifted. Additionally, appeals from the business courts are heard by the 15th Circuit Court of Appeals. Point being, Texas statutory law is still what it is, but to the extent there are open questions of interpretation, the political shift may turn out to be consequential.
Plus, of course, Texas has been at the forefront of the war on ESG. In addition to passing a proxy advisor law that specifically burdens ESG advice, Texas’s current attorney general, Ken Paxton, has sued both ISS and Glass Lewis, alleging they deceive their clients with politically biased recommendations. He has also taken the lead in a lawsuit alleging BlackRock and State Street violated antitrust laws, and deceived consumers, by pushing to reduce coal output.
We may see a lot of that action halted. The new Democratic attorney general may not have the same appetite to pursue these lawsuits, and he may not even be all that vigorous about defending the proxy advisor law, which is currently on hold due to a judge’s conclusion that it violates the First Amendment.
But the biggest effects may be felt in Delaware. To the extent Texas has posed a threat to Delaware’s dominance, a Blue Texas may not seem as attractive to corporate boards looking for an escape hatch. And that may relieve some of the pressure on Delaware (and its judiciary) to accommodate board demands.
Edit: And I’ll elaborate (since I threw this post up pretty quickly) – the difference between a Blue Texas and a Blue Delaware is that Delaware has made every effort to keep partisan politics out of its corporate law; Texas, however, did the other thing. And now we know that its partisan direction is not stable.
We can go further; it’s frequently been observed that the real threat to Delaware comes from the potential for federal preemption. If federal preemption is on the table, Delaware has an incentive to demand more from corporate boards, and corporate boards have an incentive not to try to evade that discipline by escaping to other states. The last few years made it seem like preemption was simply not an option, which gave managerial threats to leave the state more credibility, and that much may have changed last night.
But the most important implications, of course are for academia. Everyone’s taken up writing about state capitalism (including me, in draft), and now what are we supposed to do? I for one have some changes to make to this paper, I guess (sorry, student editors).
And another thing. New Shareholder Primacy podcast is up! This week, me and Mike Levin talk to Lauren Pringle, EIC of the Chancery Daily. Here at Spotify; here at Apple; and here at Youtube.








