On December 5th and 6th I attended and presented at the third annual Sustainable Companies Project Conference at the University of Oslo.  The project, led by Beate Sjafjell began in 2010 and attempts to seek concrete solutions to the following problem:

Taking companies’ substantial contributions to climate change as a given fact, companies have to be addressed more effectively when designing strategies to mitigate climate change. A fundamental assumption is that traditional external regulation of companies, e.g. through environmental law, is not sufficient. Our hypothesis is that environmental sustainability in the operation of companies cannot be effectively achieved unless the objective is properly integrated into company law and thereby into the internal workings of the company.  

Members of the Norwegian government, the European Commission, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (“OECD”), and the United Nations Environmental Programme  (UNEP) Finance Initiative also presented with academics and practitioners from the US, Europe, Asia and Africa.

I did not participate in the first two conferences, but was privileged this year to present my paper entitled “Climate Change and Company Law in the United States: Using Procurement, Pay and Policy Changes to Influence Corporate Behavior.” The program and videos of

In 13 Things We Learned about Money in Politics in 2013, written by Stetson Professor Ciara Torres-Spelliscy, numbers 9 and 10 highlight the intersection of corporate and campaign finance laws.

10. Disappointing nearly 700,000 members of the public who had asked for more transparency from public companies, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) refused to require transparency for corporate political spending — for now.

9. Shareholder suits over corporate political spending bookended the year. In January, the Comptroller of New York sued Qualcomm, as a shareholder under Delaware law, to get their books and records of political spending. In December, the insurance giant Aetna was suedby a shareholder represented by Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) for hiding its political spending.

To access the rest of the list and other campaign finance information provided by the Brennan Center for Justice, click here.

-Anne Tucker

The main question is whether or not the Fed will begin tappering its current bond buying policy which has been in place since 2008.  NPR did a quick and accessible print and radio story on the Fed and the issue of tappering.  Both versions of the story are available here.  I’ve also posted on this blog before on the issues facing the Fed as leadership is about to change hands.

Watch it live at 2:30 pm today here.  

[editted today at 3:15]– Summary of Fed Policy Announcements:

  • Fed will reduce (tapper) its bond buying program from $85 billion to $75 billion per month, with additional tapering expected as the economy continues to strengthen.
  • The policy at the Fed is dependent, in part, upon the rate of inflation, which has been running below the 2% benchmark.  “The [Fed] recognizes that inflation persistently below its 2 percent objective could pose risks to economic performance, and it is monitoring inflation developments carefully for evidence that inflation will move back toward it objective over the medium term.”
  • Short-term interest rates are expected to hold steady through 2014 with some anticipated increase in 2015, especially if the unemployment rate falls

As someone who has focused his research, scholarship, and teaching on business law and energy law, it’s long been my argument that energy is the key to long-term prosperity and quality of life.  Access to energy is critical, as are sustainable practices to ensure access to energy goes along with, and is not in lieu of, access to clean air and clean water.  See, e.g., my article: North Dakota Expertise: A Chance to Lead in Economically and Environmentally Sustainable Hydraulic Fracturing.

As I often do, this morning I visited the Harvard Business Law Review Online to see what topical issues were taking center stage.  A quick look reveals that three of the eight articles under the U.S. Business Law heading were energy related.  The articles are worth a look.  Here’s a quick link to each:

The Regulatory Challenge Of Distributed Generation, by David B. Raskin

Investing in U.S. Pipeline Infrastructure: Could the Proposed Master Limited Partnerships Parity Act Spur New Investment?by Linda E. Carlisle, Daniel A. Hagan & Jane E. Rueger

Why Are Foreign Investments in Domestic Energy Projects Now Under CFIUS Scrutiny?, by Stephen Heifetz & Michael Gershberg

As my friend and colleague Marie

Over at The Race to the Bottom, Jay Brown has compiled a series of post on the recent proxy advisory services roundtable.  Here are the relevant links:

  • Introduction (“To be frank … roundtables do not often move the issue forward.  Comments can be random or incomplete. In a room full of experts, they can be woefully unprepared and tendentious. Statements can be predictable and provide little additional value to the debate.  This Roundtable, however, was different. It was very well done.”).
  • The Participants (“There was a good cross section of views to say the least.”).
  • The Data (“[T]he evidence presented at the Roundtable indicated that the largest asset managers (BlackRock for example) viewed the recommendations as an input, not a controlling influence.”).
  • Voting Decisions and the Need for Data Tagging (“Mutual funds must file voting data on Form N-PX…. [we should] require the filing of the data in an interactive format.”).
  • The Issue of Concentration (“Concentration is … a structural issue that exists in many places in the securities markets and the proxy process.”).
  • Plumbing Problems (“Michelle Edkins from BlackRock … noted that BlackRock retained ISS not only for advice but for other services as well. Some

All the information you need is on the registration page.  Here are some relevant excerpts:

The Society of Socio-Economists (SOS) is a society of law teachers, teachers of economics and other disciplines, and other professionals and interested people who approach economic issues in harmony with the principles articulated in the statement of principles entitled “What Is Socio-Economics.” [Please see excerpt below.]  SOS holds an annual meeting in conjunction with the Annual Meeting of the Association of American Law Schools (AALS) in coordination with the AALS Section on Socio-Economics….

Statement of Socio-Economics Principles

Socio-economics begins with the assumption that economic behavior and phenomena are not wholly governed or described by any one analytical discipline, but are embedded in society, polity, culture, and nature.  Drawing upon economics, sociology, political science, psychology, anthropology, biology and other social and natural sciences, philosophy, history, law, management, and other disciplines, socio-economics regards competitive behavior as a subset of human behavior within a societal and natural context that both enables and constrains competition and cooperation.  Rather than assume that the individual pursuit of self-interest automatically or generally tends toward an optimal allocation of resources, socio-economics assumes that societal sources of order are necessary for people and

Last week I attended the UN Forum on Business and Human Rights in Geneva.  The Forum was designed to discuss barriers and best practices related to the promotion and implementation of the non-binding UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, which discuss the state’s duty to protect human rights, the corporation’s duty to respect human rights, and the joint duty to provide access to judicial and non-judicial remedies for human rights abuses. This is the second year that nation states, NGOs, businesses, civil society organizations, academics and others have met to discuss multi-stakeholder initiatives, how businesses can better assess their human rights impact, and how to conduct due diligence in the supply chain.

Released in 2011 after unanimous endorsement by the UN Human Rights Council, the Guiding Principles are considered the first globally-accepted set of standards on the relationship between states and business as it relates to human rights. The US State Department and the Department of Labor have designed policies around the Principles, and a number of companies have adopted them in whole or in part, because they provide a relatively detailed framework as to expectations.  Some companies faced shareholder proposals seeking the adoption of the Principles

Richard Schragger & Micah Schwartzman have posted “Some Realism about Corporate Rights” on SSRN.  Here is the abstract:

Can we meaningfully speak of a church’s right to conscience or a corporation’s right to religious liberty? One way to approach this question is by inquiring into the nature of churches and corporations, asking whether these are the kinds of entities that can or should have rights. We have recently seen this kind of reasoning in public debates over whether corporations have free speech rights, and, relatedly, in arguments about the religious free exercise rights of churches, non-profits, and for-profit corporations. Those in favor of such rights sometimes argue that corporations and churches are moral agents, capable of exercising rights separate and apart from the rights and interests of their members; whereas, those opposed tend to argue that churches, corporations or groups are mere aggregations of individuals, or else artificial persons created or recognized by the state to advance the interests of those who compose them.

In this paper, we argue that this form of argument is mistaken and that debates about the ontological status of group or corporate entities are largely irrelevant. One does not need a particular

Yesterday was the last day of a fantastic three-day conference at the UN in Geneva on business and human rights, and I will blog about it next week after I fully absorb all that I have heard. As I type this (Wednesday), I am sitting in a session on corporate governance and the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights moderated by a representative from Rio Tinto. The multi-stakeholder panel consists of representatives from Caux Roundtable Japan  (focused on moral capitalism), the Norwegian National Contact Point (the governmental entity responsible for responding to claims between aggrieved parties and companies), Aviva Public Limited (insurance, pensions UK), Cividep (a civil society organization in India), and Petrobas (energy company in Brazil).

If you want to learn more about the conference, I have been tweeting for the past two days at @mlnarine, and you can follow the others who have been posting at #UNForumWatch #unforumwatch or #businessforum. 1700 businesspeople, lawyers, academics, NGOs, state delegates and members of civil society are here.  Economist Joseph Stiglitz presented a fiery keynote address. Some of the biggest names in business such as Microsoft, Unilever, Total, Vale and others have represented corporate interests.  

Depending on where you

Earlier this week the SEC released its 2014 rulemaking agenda and excluded from the list is a proposal for public companies to disclose political spending.  In 2011, the Committee on Disclosure of Corporate Political Spending, comprised of 10 leading corporate and securities academics, petitioned the SEC to adopt a political spending disclosure rule.  This petition has received a historic number of comments—over 640,000—which can be found here.

The Washington Post reported that after the petition was filed,

A groundswell of support followed, with retail investors, union pension funds and elected officials at the state and federal levels writing to the agency in favor of such a requirement. The idea attracted more than 600,000 mostly favorable written comments from the public — a record response for the agency.

Omitting corporate political spending from the 2014 agenda has received steep criticism from the NYT editorial board in an opinion piece written yesterday declaring the decision unwise “even though the case for disclosure is undeniable.” Proponents of corporate political spending disclosure like Public Citizen are “appalled” and “shocked” by the SEC’s decision, while the Chamber of Commerce declares the SEC’s omission a coup that appropriately avoids