I think that the GCs at Big Pharma have hacked into my Zoom account. First, some background. Earlier this week, I asked my students in UM’s Lawyering in a Pandemic course to imagine that they were the compliance officers or GCs at the drug companies involved in Operation Warp Speed, the public-private partnership formed to find a vaccine for COVID-19 in months, rather than years. I asked the students what they would do if they thought that the scientists were cutting corners to meet the government’s deadlines. Some indicated that they would report it internally and then externally, if necessary.

I hated to burst their bubbles, but I explained that the current administration hasn’t been too welcoming to whistleblowers. I had served on a non-partisan, multi-stakeholder Department of Labor Whistleblower Protection Advisory Committee when President Trump came into office, which was disbanded shortly thereafter. For over a year after that, I received calls from concerned scientists asking where they could lodge complaints. With that background, I wanted my students to think about how company executives could reasonably would report on cutting corners to the government that was requiring the “warp speed” results in the first place. We didn’t even

This is the first installment of a multi-part guest blog presenting some results of the first comprehensive, large-scale, national survey of public attitudes regarding insider trading. My co-authors (Jeremy Kidd and George Mocsary) and I present the survey’s complete results in our forthcoming article, Public Perceptions of Insider Trading. This installment situates the survey amidst the ongoing debate over the goals of the U.S. insider-trading enforcement regime, and current efforts to reform it. Subsequent installments will share some of the survey results and their implications.

U.S. insider-trading law has been mired in controversy for most of its sixty-year history. Many scholars have argued that restrictions on insider trading should never have been adopted because it is victimless and improves market performance. Others claim that insider trading is unfair, imposes a tax on market participation, and undermines the public’s confidence in our capital markets. Some such critics advocate for broader theories of liability along with stiffer penalties.

Arguments on both sides of this controversy regularly appeal to claims that turn crucially on the public’s actual attitudes concerning insider trading. For example, the recently-published Report of the Bharara Task Force on Insider Trading opens with the declaration that “[m]ost

Earlier today, I submitted a book chapter with the same title as this blog post.  The chapter, written for an international management resource on Digital Entrepreneurship and the Sharing Economy, represents part of a project on crowdfunding and poverty that I have been researching and thinking through for a bit over two years now.  My chapter abstract follows:

The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated and created economic hardship all over the world.  The United States is no exception.  Among other things, the economic effects of the COVID-19 crisis deepen pre-existing concerns about financing U.S. businesses formed and promoted by entrepreneurs of modest means.

In May 2016, a U.S. federal registration exemption for crowdfunded securities offerings came into existence (under the CROWDFUND Act) as a means of helping start-ups and small businesses obtain funding.  In theory, this regime was an attempt to fill gaps in U.S. securities law that handicapped entrepreneurs and their promoters from obtaining equity, debt, and other financing through the sale of financial investment instruments over the Internet.  The use of the Internet for business finance is particularly important to U.S. entrepreneurs who may not have access to funding because of their own limited financial and economic positions.

The AALS Section on Securities Regulation distributed two calls for papers earlier today.
Both are included below.

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AALS Call for Papers:
What Can Securities Regulation Contribute to
Environmental Law, and Vice Versa?

The AALS Sections on Environmental Law and Securities Regulation are delighted to present a joint session at the 2021 AALS Annual Meeting, titled “What Can Securities Regulation Contribute to Environmental Law, and Vice Versa?” We are awaiting final scheduling information from AALS, but we anticipate receiving a three-hour joint program slot. We are planning an innovative format that will include short (5-7 minute) paper presentations in plenary session, followed by collaboration in “table discussion” groups.

The political vicissitudes of environmental policy in recent years have led to increased focus on the potential of private mechanisms to achieve environmental results that had traditionally been sought by government action. At the same time, investors and market regulators have become increasingly aware of the need for corporations to grapple with environmental risks, particularly with respect to global climate disruption.

This joint session will bring together leading scholars from the fields of environmental and securities law to discuss the reciprocal influences that environmental and securities law exert on each

As the weeks pass, we move steadily closer and closer to the June 30th implementation date for Regulation Best Interest.  As I’ve written elsewhere, the new SEC rule does little actually help investors.  The new rule package may also do real harm by collapsing distinctions between brokerage firms and independent registered investment advisers.  In the headline quote for a new white paper from the Institute for the Fiduciary Standard, Professor Tamar Frankel explains how the new package erodes established fiduciary principles

Rostad and Fogarty tell the story that these standards deserve attention because they abandon decades of established principles. They then offer selected remedies to help investors manage in this new era. The Securities and Exchange Commission’s Regulation Best Interest ignores the brokers’ advisory sales-talk and waters-down significantly brokers’ fiduciary duties. In fact little remains. Hopefully, this rule will fail to achieve its purpose or is fixed before it brings true disasters on the securities markets. Otherwise, investors and the securities markets may pay the price.

As the SEC has altered investor protections, states have begun to put their own protections in place.  Nevada stands alone with the first state fiduciary statute.   New Jersey and Massachusetts also have

Iowa’s Greg Shill has a new paper out on Congressional Securities Trading.  As a former congressional staffer, he brings a special appreciation to the issue.

Congressional securities trading has attracted a good bit of attention after controversial trades by Senators Burr and Loeffler.  The scrutiny has even drawn more attention to another surprisingly well-timed trade by Senator Burr.

In his essay, Shill takes up the issue from a policy perspective, looking at how we ought to regulate Congressional Securities Trading.  He draws from ordinary securities regulation and suggest pulling over the trading plan approach and short-swing profit prohibition we use for corporate executives.  This approach should help manage ordinary securities transactions by members of Congress and their staff.  He also advocates for limiting Congressional investing to U.S. index funds and treasuries.  This would reduce the incentive to favor one market participant over another.

The proposed reforms would be a substantial improvement over the status quo.  We should not have legislators with significant financial incentives to favor one company over another when making law and setting policy.  We should also not subsidize public service by tolerating Congressional trading on Congressional information.

Of course, we’ll still face some implementation challenges.

Although this is a little off-brand for the BLPB, I thought readers might appreciate a puppy break.  This is Lucky, the newest addition to the family.

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She’s excellent at giving me so much to worry about that I stop thinking about the pandemic!  But that does not mean that stuff stops happening!

Notably, FINRA has a rule proposal out to alter its exiting suitability standard in light of the SEC’s new Regulation Best Interest. FINRA summarized the proposal as doing two things:

  1. amend the FINRA and CAB suitability rules to state that the rules do not apply to recommendations subject to Regulation Best Interest (“Reg BI”), and to remove the element of control from the quantitative suitability obligation; and
  2. conform the rules governing non-cash compensation to Reg BI’s limitations on sales contests, sales quotas, bonuses and non-cash compensation.

Because Reg BI so closely resembles the FINRA Suitability Rule, firms may not have to do too much to comply with the text of the rule.  This leaves me wondering about guidance.  FINRA has many notices to members and other explanations available to give context to the suitability rule.  With regulation moving from the self-regulator to the regulator, will the guidance move

Friend of the BLPB and fellow crowdfunding researcher Andrew Schwartz recently posted this article on SSRN: Mandatory Disclosure in Primary Markets, 2019 Utah L. Rev. 1069.  I was provoked by the abstract, which reads as follows:

Mandatory disclosure—the idea that companies must be legally required to disclose certain, specified information to public investors—is the first principle of modern securities law. Despite the high costs it imposes, mandatory disclosure has been well defended by legal scholars on two theoretical grounds: ‘Agency costs’ and ‘information underproduction.’ While these two concepts are a good fit for secondary markets (where investors trade securities with one another), this Article shows that they are largely irrelevant in the context of primary markets (where companies offer securities directly to investors). The surprising result is that primary offerings—such as an IPO—may not require mandatory disclosure at all. This profound insight calls into question the fundamental premises of the Securities Act of 1933 and similar laws governing primary offerings around the world. Reform of these rules could lead to a new age of simplified, low-cost primary offerings to the public, something that is already happening in New Zealand through its equity crowdfunding market.

As someone who believes

The following comes to us from Bernard S. Sharfman. It is a copy of the comment letter (without footnotes) that he recently sent to the SEC in support of the Amendments to Exemptions from the Proxy Rules for Proxy Voting Advice.  (The comment letter with footnotes can be found here.)  An introductory excerpt is followed, after the break, by the full letter. Please excuse any formatting errors generated by my poor copy-and-paste skills.

Part I of this letter will describe the collective action problem that is at the heart of shareholder voting. Part II will discuss the problems that this collective action causes for the voting recommendations of proxy advisors, including the creation of a resource constrained business environment. Part III discusses how proxy advisors deal with such a business environment. Part IV will discuss how the market for voting recommendations is an example of a market failure, requiring the SEC to pursue regulatory action to mitigate the harm caused by two significant negative externalities. Part V will discuss how the collective action problem of shareholder voting and the market failure impacts corporate governance. Part VI will discuss the value of the proposed amendments.

Happy holidays! Billions of people around the world are celebrating Christmas or Hanukah right now. Perhaps you’re even reading this post on a brand new Apple Ipad, a Microsoft Surface, or a Dell Computer. Maybe you found this post via a Google search. If you use a product manufactured by any of those companies or drive a Tesla, then this post is for you. Last week, a nonprofit organization filed the first lawsuit against the world’s biggest tech companies alleging that they are complicit in child trafficking and deaths in the cobalt mines of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Dodd-Frank §1502 and the upcoming EU Conflict Minerals Regulation, which goes into effect in 2021, both require companies to disclose the efforts they have made to track and trace “conflict minerals” — tin, tungsten, tantalum, and gold from the DRC and surrounding countries. DRC is one of the poorest nations in the world per capita but has an estimated $25 trillion in mineral reserves (including 65% of the world’s cobalt). Armed militia use rape and violence as a weapon of war in part so that they control the mineral wealth. The EU and US regulators believe that consumers