The White House Executive Order is out, and it largely tracks what I previously expected based on prior reporting. It isn’t self executing, but it directs the FTC, the SEC, and the DoL to review rules pertaining to proxy advisors and revise them, and/or take enforcement action.

The FTC is ordered to investigate potential antitrust violations.

The Department of Labor is ordered to consider revising rules pertaining to ERISA funds’ reliance on proxy voting advice (i.e., impose paperwork burdens that will inhibit funds’ ability to rely on proxy advisors).

The SEC is directed to ensure that proxy advisors register as investment advisors (too late!), and then use that status to incapacitate them with paperwork (I’m reading between the lines), and to somehow treat voting recommendations as the equivalent of coordinating a 13d group. It’s also directed to ascertain whether the recommendations themselves are misleading (the Business Roundtable has previously argued that it is proxy fraud for a proxy advisor to characterize a director as not independent when the company designates them as independent for exchange listing purposes).

Also included is a direction to the SEC to revise and rescind guidance surrounding Rule 14a-8.

Anyway, these

Obviously, the big business news today is the Netflix/Warner merger agreement, coupled with party-crasher Paramount.

This is not, of course, the first time that Paramount has interrupted a Warner merger deal. As probably everyone reading this post already knows, back in the late 80s, Time signed a merger agreement with Warner, and Paramount parachuted in with an offer to take over Time instead. When Time locked up the merger agreement too tightly for Paramount to get a foothold, it sued in Delaware, and lost before the Delaware Supreme Court in Paramount v. Time.

A lot of the mainstream news reporting is presenting Paramount’s topping bid for Netflix as a “hostile” tender offer, echoing Paramount’s claim that it is taking its bid directly to the shareholders. That is … not exactly accurate.

No one does hostile tender offers anymore, in the sense of an actual for-real offer to buy shares without approval of the target board. That’s because, after cases like Paramount v. Time, boards have fairly broad powers to prevent unapproved acquisitions – like, poison pills, and DGCL 203. So, this Paramount offer is actually a proposal for a friendly 251(h) merger, conditioned explicitly on the approval

With regard to proxy voting, practices that directly or indirectly result in coordinated voting should be evaluated with respect to compliance with reporting requirements under the Securities Exchange Act. Shareholders form a group if they act together for the purpose of voting the equity securities of an issuer. Depending on the facts and circumstances, funds and asset managers using PVABs for voting decisions may have formed a group for purposes of Section 13(d)(3) or Section 13(g)(3) of the Securities Exchange Act.  Indeed, the Commission itself raised this issue in 2020 when it stated that “[u]se of a proxy voting advice business by investors as a vehicle for the purpose of coordinating their voting decisions regarding an issuers’ securities” would raise issues under the SEC’s beneficial ownership rules. Of course, a group is not formed simply because a shareholder independently determined how it wants to vote

In this week’s Shareholder Primacy podcast (here at Apple, here at Spotify, here at YouTube), Mike Levin and I talk about the all-of-government war on proxy advisors.

Which was timely, because – as we didn’t know when we recorded – ISS just created a new website, www.protectshareholders.com, apparently aimed at making the case for proxy advisors and fighting back against all of the political attacks.

My initial social media reaction was, “OMG,” which apparently was inscrutable to many, so I’ll elaborate here.

To me, ISS’s website does not appear to be a targeted lobbying approach aimed at asset managers or politicians; it appears to be directed at largely a general audience, like public-facing PR. Certainly not geared toward low-information voters, but maybe toward reporters who will communicate to a general audience, or other general audiences who may have sway with politicians. And it is surprising – shocking – to me when a technical matter of corporate governance reaches that level of political salience. Which happened, for example, in the context of SB 21, when I posted that this kind of controversy was unequivocally bad for Delaware.

Now, back in the day – the “day”

I’ve blogged several times about the unduly narrow concept of “standing” and the “purchaser-seller” rule that courts have been applying in the context of Section 10(b).  (Most recent post discussing it is here; there is a link to earlier posts).

We have a new case that adds to the mix.

Toronto Dominion Bank signed an agreement to purchase the stock of First Horizon, which of course caused First Horizon’s price to trade upward.  Eventually, TD got into regulatory trouble and the merger fell through, which caused First Horizon’s stock to fall.  Purchasers of First Horizon stock sued First Horizon, but they also sued TD Bank, alleging that its false representations of regulatory compliance made the merger seem more plausible and inflated First Horizon’s stock price.

Careful readers will recognize that this is, more or less, exactly what happened in Semerenko v. Cendant Corp., 223 F.3d 165 (3d Cir. 2000).  There, the defendants argued that statements about the acquirer (in this case, the acquirer’s audit opinion) were not made “in connection with” the purchase or sale of the target’s securities, as Section 10(b) requires.  The Third Circuit held that that statements about the would-be acquirer were made “in connection

I just had the privilege of participating in Columbia Law School’s M&A conference, on a panel with Ed Rock of NYU, Eduardo Gallardo of Paul Hastings, and John Mark Zeberkiewicz of RLF, moderated by Dorothy Lund of Columbia, to discuss SB 21 and its likely impact going forward.

In this post, I’ll elaborate on some stuff I said at the panel.

After SB 313 passed authorizing shareholder agreements – ostensibly to conform the law with “market practice” – Gladriel Shobe, Jarrod Shobe, and William Clayton found that the law in fact went much further than actual market practice to authorize a broad array of contracts that are somewhere between uncommon and nonexistent.

That kind of thing is what gives rise to the suspicion that when the Delaware Corporation Law Council recommends legislative amendments, it does so not as neutral arbiters, but as representatives specific clients who desire particular legislative outcomes. And while there is nothing new or surprising about lobbyists advocating for legal changes that benefit their clients, the CLC is not supposed to be acting as a lobbyist when it participates in the legislative process. In some ways, then, SB 313 always read to me as the

Following on my Weinberg Center blog post back on October 27, I write today to promote participation in a survey hosted by the University of Delaware’s John L. Weinberg Center for Corporate Governance on public company Rule 14a-8 shareholder proposals under the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, as amended. The survey website explains that the Weinberg Center “seeks to gather practical insights from companies, investors, and related professionals about the scope and effectiveness of the current federal shareholder proposal rule (Rule 14a-8).” I suspect that the referenced professionals include lawyers representing both public companies and shareholders, as well as other advisors to each. More information about the survey can be found on the website.

In the spirit of that October 27 blog post, I am appreciative of the effort to gather information from a wide variety of constituents. I have taught group-oriented change leadership to undergraduate honors students here at The University of Tennessee using design thinking methods, in which the first step is undertaking to empathize. This step involves the team researching, and endeavoring to understand, the needs of various stakeholders. One design thinking website describes this first stage of a group-oriented process of innovation through design thinking

With the 2026 National Business Law Scholars Conference coming to the William S. Boyd School of Law at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas on May 26-27 next year, I have some suggestions on accommodation options.

My suggestion is that you should book your rooms now because there are some great deals available. As I’m writing this, the all-in prices for the following properties are exceptionally reasonable:

  • Bellagio – $198/night
  • Aria – $170/night
  • Vdara (non-gaming) – $142/night
  • Park MGM – $113/night
  • NoMad Hotel @ ParkMGM – $185/night
  • Cosmopolitan – $215/night

I understand that some folks have already booked at the Bellagio. It’s a good deal and a bit cheaper still if you join MGM Rewards. If you wanted the Bellagio this weekend, the current price is over $1,000 a night. Of course, F-1 is in town and we’re not going to be competing with that for NBLSC. Candidly, I live here and these prices are making me think about locking in a stay-cation around the same time.

The properties listed above are all MGM Resorts properties within easy walking distance of each other. Clustering this way makes it easier to meet for dinners, drinks, or just catching rides over

As a lawyer who’s practiced for many years on King Street in Wilmington, I’m saddened by the need to depart. For decades, Delaware was known for predictable court outcomes, respect for the judgment of corporate boards, and speedy resolutions. These traits made the state the one-stop shop for major company incorporations—which have brought in more than $1 billion in annual revenue to the state.

Delaware’s legal framework once provided companies with consistency. But no more. Delaware’s Chancery Court in recent years has been rife with unpredictable outcomes. To their credit, lawmakers in Dover have repeatedly tried to rectify the inconsistent outcomes of the once-revered court through ad hoc legislative responses. But companies need a more efficient and sustainable solution than relying on the legislature to