Photo of Joan Heminway

Professor Heminway brought nearly 15 years of corporate practice experience to the University of Tennessee College of Law when she joined the faculty in 2000. She practiced transactional business law (working in the areas of public offerings, private placements, mergers, acquisitions, dispositions, and restructurings) in the Boston office of Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom LLP from 1985 through 2000.

She has served as an expert witness and consultant on business entity and finance and federal and state securities law matters and is a frequent academic and continuing legal education presenter on business law issues. Professor Heminway also has represented pro bono clients on political asylum applications, landlord/tenant appeals, social security/disability cases, and not-for-profit incorporations and related business law issues. Read More

In my posts last Thursday (see here and here) and in others, I have explained why I don’t think that the Dodd-Frank conflicts minerals law is the right way to force business to think more carefully about their human rights impacts.  I have also blogged about the non-binding UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, which have influenced both the Dodd-Frank rule, the EU’s similar proposal, and the State Department’s required disclosures for businesses investing in Burma (see here). 

For the past few months, I have been working on an article outlining one potential solution.  But I was dismayed, but not surprised to read last week that the US government’s procurement processes may be contributing to the very problems that it seeks to prevent in Bangladesh and other countries with poor human rights records. This adds a wrinkle to my proposal, but my contribution to the debate is below:

Faced with less than optimal voluntary initiatives and in the absence of binding legislation, what mechanisms can interested stakeholders use as leverage to force corporations to take a more proactive role in safeguarding human rights, particularly due diligence issues in the supply chain?  Can new disclosure

On Tuesday, I attended the oral argument for the National Association of Manufacturers v. SEC—the Dodd-Frank conflict minerals case. Trying to predict what a court will do based on body language and the tone of questioning at oral argument, especially in writing, is foolish and crazy, but I will do so anyway.

I am cautiously optimistic that the appellate court will send the conflict mineral rule back to the SEC to retool based on the three arguments generated the most discussion. First, the judges appeared divided on whether the SEC  had abused its discretion by changing the statutory language requiring issuers to report if minerals “did” originate from the DRC or surrounding companies rather than the current SEC language of “may have” originated. This language would sweep in products in which there is a mere possibility rather than a probability of originating in covered countries. One judge grilled the SEC like I grill my law students about the actual statutory language and legislative intent, while another appeared satisfied with SEC’s explanation that issuers did not have to file if the lack of certainty was due to a small number of responses from suppliers or for lack of information. My prediction-

This has been a good week for those who care about the human rights crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.  Green Bay Packers quarterback Aaron Rodgers joined actress Robin Wright as the latest in a string of celebrities raising awareness about “conflict minerals”, the tin, tantalum and gold that appear in cell phones, computers, automobiles, baby diapers and toothpaste. Speaking at the Consumer Electronics Show  in Las Vegas on Monday, the CEO of Intel got as much press for his declaration that his products will be “conflict-free” in 2014 as he did for his discussion about new innovations. 

The “conflict minerals” at issue are the subject of a complex regulation in Dodd-Frank that requires certain US issuers, regardless of size to conduct extensive due diligence and disclose whether or not their products are “DRC-Conflict free” so that consumers and investors can make informed decisions about whether the products may be supporting rebels involved in rape, torture and child slavery. The purpose of the law, which the SEC will regulate and enforce, is to bring peace, security and stability to the Democratic Republic of Congo. By drying up funding for the rebels, the theory goes, sexual and gender-based violence

The Generation Foundation (the “Foundation”), which focuses on sustainable capitalism, commissioned Mercer and Canadian law firm Stikeman Elliott LLP to study ways to foster more long-term thinking in the capital markets. In a prior report the Foundation proposed five actions to counteract the effects of short-termism including: (1) identifying and incorporating risks from stranded assets; (2) mandating integrated reporting; (3) ending the default practice of issuing quarterly earnings guidance; (4) aligning compensation structures with long-term sustainable performance; and (5) encouraging long-term investing with loyalty-driven securities. 

Loyalty-driven securities provide differentiated rights or rewards to shareholders based on their tenure of shareholding.  These rewards could include extra dividends, warrants or additional voting rights for owners who held shares for three years (or some other time period), limiting proxy access to shareholders of a specified minimum duration, or inferior voting rights for short-term shareholders.   The idea is not far-fetched. Apparently, the European Commission is considering proposals to reward certain shareholders with additional voting rights. 

In a report issued in December 2013 the Foundation, Mercer and the law firm outline the results of their legal review of almost a dozen countries and the interviews of over 120 experts. Interviewees included academics, pension funds, investors

Once my son realized that the life of a lawyer bore no resemblance to the fun and games of Take Our Kids to Work Day, he quickly changed career paths. Now he’s applying to art and design schools to study visual arts, photography, and writing. Almost every school he wants to attend requires students to take a basic accounting course as a prerequisite for the Bachelors of Fine Arts degree. This led me to ask why law schools don’t require the same.

Two weeks ago I attended a local bar association luncheon during which several deans of Florida law schools informed the group of practicing lawyers and judges about the state of legal education. The deans also received an earful from the audience members about the kind of training they expect from the schools. More than one attorney bemoaned the lack of practical skills and business training from today’s law schools, which prompted one dean (not mine) to challenge the audience member’s hypothesis about the need for required courses beyond business associations. The dean asked why schools should force students to take additional courses if they want to litigate or do appeals. Some audience members disagreed with this response and

On December 5th and 6th I attended and presented at the third annual Sustainable Companies Project Conference at the University of Oslo.  The project, led by Beate Sjafjell began in 2010 and attempts to seek concrete solutions to the following problem:

Taking companies’ substantial contributions to climate change as a given fact, companies have to be addressed more effectively when designing strategies to mitigate climate change. A fundamental assumption is that traditional external regulation of companies, e.g. through environmental law, is not sufficient. Our hypothesis is that environmental sustainability in the operation of companies cannot be effectively achieved unless the objective is properly integrated into company law and thereby into the internal workings of the company.  

Members of the Norwegian government, the European Commission, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (“OECD”), and the United Nations Environmental Programme  (UNEP) Finance Initiative also presented with academics and practitioners from the US, Europe, Asia and Africa.

I did not participate in the first two conferences, but was privileged this year to present my paper entitled “Climate Change and Company Law in the United States: Using Procurement, Pay and Policy Changes to Influence Corporate Behavior.” The program and videos of

Last week I attended the UN Forum on Business and Human Rights in Geneva.  The Forum was designed to discuss barriers and best practices related to the promotion and implementation of the non-binding UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, which discuss the state’s duty to protect human rights, the corporation’s duty to respect human rights, and the joint duty to provide access to judicial and non-judicial remedies for human rights abuses. This is the second year that nation states, NGOs, businesses, civil society organizations, academics and others have met to discuss multi-stakeholder initiatives, how businesses can better assess their human rights impact, and how to conduct due diligence in the supply chain.

Released in 2011 after unanimous endorsement by the UN Human Rights Council, the Guiding Principles are considered the first globally-accepted set of standards on the relationship between states and business as it relates to human rights. The US State Department and the Department of Labor have designed policies around the Principles, and a number of companies have adopted them in whole or in part, because they provide a relatively detailed framework as to expectations.  Some companies faced shareholder proposals seeking the adoption of the Principles

Yesterday was the last day of a fantastic three-day conference at the UN in Geneva on business and human rights, and I will blog about it next week after I fully absorb all that I have heard. As I type this (Wednesday), I am sitting in a session on corporate governance and the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights moderated by a representative from Rio Tinto. The multi-stakeholder panel consists of representatives from Caux Roundtable Japan  (focused on moral capitalism), the Norwegian National Contact Point (the governmental entity responsible for responding to claims between aggrieved parties and companies), Aviva Public Limited (insurance, pensions UK), Cividep (a civil society organization in India), and Petrobas (energy company in Brazil).

If you want to learn more about the conference, I have been tweeting for the past two days at @mlnarine, and you can follow the others who have been posting at #UNForumWatch #unforumwatch or #businessforum. 1700 businesspeople, lawyers, academics, NGOs, state delegates and members of civil society are here.  Economist Joseph Stiglitz presented a fiery keynote address. Some of the biggest names in business such as Microsoft, Unilever, Total, Vale and others have represented corporate interests.  

Depending on where you

On Saturday evening I leave for Geneva to attend the United Nations Forum on Business and Human Rights with 1,000 of my closest friends including NGOs, Fortune 250 Companies, government entities, academics and other stakeholders.  I plan to blog from the conference next week.  I am excited about the substance but have been dreading the expense because the last time I was in Switzerland everything from the cab fare to the fondue was obscenely expensive, and I remember thinking that everyone in the country must make a very good living. Apparently, according to the New York Times, the Swiss, whom I thought were superrich, “scorn the Superrich,” and last March a two-thirds majority voted to ban bonuses, golden handshakes and to require firms to consult with their shareholders on executive compensation. Nonetheless, last week, 65% of voters rejected a measure to limit executive pay to 12 times the lowest paid employee at their company. According to press reports many Swiss supported the measure in principle but did not agree with the government imposing caps on pay.

Meanwhile stateside, next week the SEC closes its comment period on its own pay ratio proposal under Section 953(b) of the Dodd-Frank Act. Among

Federal district court judge Jed Rakoff is no stranger to controversy.  He has admonished the SEC for failing to obtain admissions in two settlements and other judges have since followed suit (see here for example). This likely played some part in SEC Chair Mary Jo White’s decision in June to start seeking admissions during settlements.  White announced a few days ago that her lawyers are ready for more trials, and that in her view, trials facilitate public accountability.

Judge Rakoff has now set his sights on the Department of Justice, and his recent speech entitled “Why Have No High Level Executives Been Prosecuted in Connection with the Financial Crisis,” has made headlines around the world.  I heavily excerpt the speech below, but I recommend that you read it in full.  In his remarks, he sharply criticizes the DOJ for failing to prosecute individuals, a topic I discussed last week here. He also offers his own theories to rebut what the DOJ’s explanations. His remarks remind us that the 5-year statute of limitations on many crimes will run shortly and therefore many people may never face prosecution.

Judge Rakoff first acknowledged in his speech that prosecutors had other priorities