Photo of Joan Heminway

Professor Heminway brought nearly 15 years of corporate practice experience to the University of Tennessee College of Law when she joined the faculty in 2000. She practiced transactional business law (working in the areas of public offerings, private placements, mergers, acquisitions, dispositions, and restructurings) in the Boston office of Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher & Flom LLP from 1985 through 2000.

She has served as an expert witness and consultant on business entity and finance and federal and state securities law matters and is a frequent academic and continuing legal education presenter on business law issues. Professor Heminway also has represented pro bono clients on political asylum applications, landlord/tenant appeals, social security/disability cases, and not-for-profit incorporations and related business law issues. Read More

The following is excerpted from Richard A. Epstein, The Civil Rights Juggernaut, 2020 U. Ill. L. Rev. 1541, 1542–44 (2020).

[T]he expansions in the 1970s and early 1980s of the various provisions of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 were done to advance the purpose of ending segregation and promoting integration. I continue to feel much uneasiness about these decisions, in part because they move away from the initial “colorblind” standard by creating preferences for protected classes and allowing affirmative action in their favor. But none of these cases, whatever their merits, had the effect of targeting small and isolated businesses and individuals for powerful government sanctions. Instead, the earlier string of successes were targeted to make sure that powerful groups did not themselves engage in various forms of invidious discrimination–here the word “invidious” is used to allow for affirmative action programs but only in favor of protected groups. Today, all too many civil rights commissions especially at the state level function only to pressure small businesses and individuals to conform to a powerful and overriding vision of the “right” view of the evils of discrimination across the board. The situation marks a powerful change from the landscape that

Over at Law & Liberty (here), David Osborne argues that Uzuegbunam v. Preczewski could impact “attack and retreat” strategies employed by labor unions.  Here is a brief excerpt:

Attack, retreat. Attack, retreat. Unfortunately, this is the tactical offensive increasingly used by the country’s biggest public-sector unions to keep dues money flowing. They “attack” by imposing unconstitutional, restrictive policies on public employees but “retreat” whenever they are challenged in court. Historically, it has allowed union officials to avoid important court rulings that would otherwise allow public employees to choose whether to become or remain union members.

But the Supreme Court may put an end to it this term….

The Court will hear a free speech case, Uzuegbunam v. Preczewski, that could have profound implications for public-sector union members who want to resign their union membership but keep their jobs. On its face, the case [involving two college students who distributed religious literature outside their college campus’s “free speech zones”] has nothing to do with public-sector unions. But Uzuegbunam has turned into a case about an important justiciability issue called “mootness”—and about the courts’ willingness to protect constitutional rights.

First: To all the veterans — thank you for your service!  As an immigrant who became a U.S. citizen in college and served 6 years of active duty in the U.S. Army before attending law school, I am proud to have joined you in taking the oath to support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic.

Second: Jody Greene and Sharif Youssef have published “Human Rights after Corporate Personhood: An Uneasy Merger” (you can order an examination copy here or pre-order via Amazon here).  I am grateful to have had the opportunity to contribute a chapter: “Killing Corporations to Save Humans: How Corporate Personhood, Human Rights, and the Corporate Death Penalty Intersect.”  Here’s the University of Toronto Press pitch:

Human Rights after Corporate Personhood offers a rich overview of current debates, and seeks to transcend the “outrage response” often found in public discourse and corporate legal theory. Through original and innovative analyses, the volume offers an alternative account of corporate juridical personality and its relation to the human, one that departs from accounts offered by public law. In addition, it explores opportunities for the application of legal personality to assist progressive projects

Perhaps of interest (full statement here):

Press Release: According To a New Siemens Stiftung Study, Social Enterprises Are Expected To Create Much Needed Jobs in Africa

The comprehensive analysis in 12 selected African countries estimates that, by 2030, 1 million new jobs can be created by local social enterprises (SEs). In addition, recommendations are outlined on how to support SEs in leveraging their job creation potential. The study, Social Enterprises as Job Creators in Africa – The Potential of Social Enterprise to Provide Employment Opportunities in 12 African Countries 2020-2030 is available as trilogy – Part I: Main Report; Part II: Country Profiles; Part III: Case Studies….

Overall, SEs focus on social effects through their products and services but also through the jobs and income opportunities they provide to marginalized groups.

Over at Law & Liberty (here), George R. La Noue argues that: “Training sessions based on critical race theory run contrary to an employer’s responsibility to avoid creating a hostile work environment.”  Here is an excerpt:

Asking one set of employees to confess to the sins of their racial ancestors or their individual current white privilege runs contrary to an employer’s responsibility to avoid creating a hostile work environment.

Laws about hostile or toxic work environments are based in both Title VII and Title IX of the Civil Rights Act. The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission defines a hostile or toxic work environment as one that involves “unwelcome conduct that is based on race, color, religion, national origins, age, disability, or genetic information.” That conduct “may include, but is not limited to offensive jokes, slurs, epithets or name calling, physical assaults or threats, intimidation, ridicule or mockery, insults or put downs, offensive objects or pictures and interference with work performance.” CRT certainly can involve “slurs, epithets or name calling,” as well as “ridicule or mockery, insults or put downs.”

EEOC cautions against making petty slights, annoyances, or isolated incidents illegal, but calling out one racial group as privileged

Lots of virtual events that should be of interest to our readers, including the “Showcase Discussion” on Thursday 11/12 from 11:00 a.m. – 12:15 p.m.: A Discussion with Professors Robert George and Cornel West on Freedom of Speech, Freedom of Thought, the Black Lives Matter Movement, and the Cancel Culture. You can find the full schedule and register here.

Mark Roe & Roy Shapira have posted The Power of the Narrative in Corporate Lawmaking on SSRN (here).  Here is the abstract:

The notion of stock-market-driven short-termism relentlessly whittling away at the American economy’s foundations is widely accepted and highly salient. Presidential candidates state as much. Senators introduce bills assuming as much. Corporate interests argue as much to the Securities and Exchange Commission and the corporate law courts. Yet the academic evidence as to the problem’s severity is no more than mixed. What explains this gap between widespread belief and weak evidence?

This Article explores the role of narrative power. Some ideas are better at being popular than others. The concept of pernicious stock market short-termism has three strong qualities that make its narrative power formidable: (1) connotation — the words themselves tell us what is good (reliable long-term commitment) and what is not (unreliable short-termism); (2) category confusion — disparate types of corporate misbehavior, such as environmental degradation and employee mistreatment, are mislabeled as being truly and primarily short-termism phenomena emanating from truncated corporate time horizons (when they in fact emanate from other misalignments), thereby making us view short-termism as even more rampant and pernicious than it is

I have written here in the past about laboring on Labor Day.  Most recently.  I wrote about the relationship between work and mindfulness in this space last year.  But it seems I also have picked up this theme here (in 2018) and here (at the end of my Labor Day post in 2017).  Being the routine “Monday blogger” for the BLPB does give me the opportunity to focus on our Monday holidays!

This year, however, Labor Day–like so many other days in 2020–is markedly different in one aspect: I am required to teach today.  When I logged in to the campus app on my phone this morning to do my routine daily health screening, I was greeted by this (in clicking through from the main event schedule page):

This is the first day in my 20 years of teaching, and maybe in my 35 years of post-law school work, that I have been required to work on Labor Day.  My daughter, a Starbucks night shift manager, is required to work every year on Labor Day.  But this is new to me . . . .

Of course, the ongoing pandemic is the reason for this change.  By compacting the semester

Sergio Gramitto, co-author (with Lynn Stout and Tamara Belinfanti) of Citizen Capitalism: How a Universal Fund Can Provide Influence and Income to All just published Artificial Agents in Corporate Boardrooms in the Cornell Law Review.  Here is the abstract:

Thousands of years ago, Roman businessmen often ran joint businesses through commonly owned, highly intelligent slaves. Roman slaves did not have full legal capacity and were considered property of their co-owners. Now business corporations are looking to delegate decision-making to uberintelligent machines through the use of artificial intelligence in boardrooms. Artificial intelligence in boardrooms could assist, integrate, or even replace human directors. However, the concept of using artificial intelligence in boardrooms is largely unexplored and raises several issues. This Article sheds light on legal and policy challenges concerning artificial agents in boardrooms. The arguments revolve around two fundamental questions: (1) what role can artificial intelligence play in boardrooms? and (2) what ramifications would the deployment of artificial agents in boardrooms entail?