June 2024

Lotta handwringing today about the demise of Chevron, and I can’t begin to predict the ultimate fallout, but from the narrow perspective of securities, it doesn’t feel like it’s played much of a role in some time. 

Case in point: The Fifth Circuit’s recent decision striking down SEC rules governing private investment funds.

As the court notes, for a long time, private investment companies and their advisers were exempt from Investment Company Act/Investment Advisors Act regulation.  However, in 2010, Dodd Frank amended the IAA to require that even private fund advisers register with the SEC, and make and disseminate reports according to SEC rule.  The reports required must include, among other things, information on “valuation policies and practices of the fund;… side arrangements or side letters, whereby certain investors in a fund obtain more favorable rights or entitlements than other investors.”

As part of those amendments, Dodd-Frank made another statutory change.  Prior to Dodd-Frank, there existed 15 U.S.C. §80b-11, titled “Rules, regulations, and orders of Commission,” which broadly gave the SEC the power to “make, issue, amend, and rescind such rules and regulations and such orders as are necessary or appropriate to the exercise of the functions

The Supreme Court’s Jarkesy decision is out.  Unsurprisingly, it hands the SEC yet another loss and rules that it cannot pursue relief for securities fraud claims before its administrative law judges because the Seventh Amendment entitles defendants to a jury trial.

Functionally, this significantly impairs the SEC’s ability to enforce the securities laws and drives much enforcement activity into federal district courts.  One of the benefits to having a specialized ALJ hear securities claims is that the process becomes much swifter for two reasons.  First administrative adjudication is more efficient.  Second, the SEC doesn’t need to explain what securities fraud is to a court used to hearing these claims.  Now, the SEC will have to spend more time and treasure on run-of-the-mill enforcement actions.  As the SEC has limited resources, this will substantially reduce how much they can do.

Much of the opinion revolves around the scope of the “public rights” exception to the Seventh Amendment.  The exception allows administrative tribunals to handle matters that historically could have been resolved by the executive and legislative branches.  The opinion recognizes that the public rights exception at least includes “the collection of revenue; aspects of customs law; immigration law; relations with Indian

Many in the business law world have been following the saga involving the adoption of  S.B. 313 by Delaware’s General Assembly last week.  S.B. 313 adds a new § 122(18) to the General Corporation Law of the State of Delaware (DGCL) that broadly authorizes corporations to enter into free-standing stockholder agreements (not embodied in the corporation’s charter) that restrict or eliminate the management authority of the corporation’s board of directors.  See my blog posts here and here and others cited in them, as well as Ann’s post here.

In the floor debate on S.B. 313 last Thursday in the Delaware State House of Representatives, a proponent of the legislation stated that fiduciary duties always trump contracts.  That statement deserves some inspection in a number of respects.  I offer a few simple reflections here from one, limited perspective.

The historical centrality of corporate director fiduciary duties (which were the fiduciary duties referenced on the House floor) is undeniable.  Those who have taken business associations or an advanced business course with me over the years know well that I emphasize in board decision making that the directors’ actions must be both lawful and consistent with their fiduciary duties in order to

Some variations on a theme this week.

First, the Delaware legislature has now passed the amendments to the DGCL, which means that as of August 1, it will be legal for a company like Tesla, say, to contract with a shareholder like Elon Musk, say, to give him power to veto or demand specific AI initiatives, regardless of his particular financial stake in the company.  By contrast, at least as I read Texas law, such a contract would not be possible for Texas-organized entities, because Texas only permits agreements to restrict board discretion in nonpublic corporations.

Do you suppose this means Tesla will reincorporate back to Delaware?

Second, the Senate raked Boeing CEO Dave Calhoun over the coals this week.  Sen. Josh Hawley said: “I think you’re focused on exactly what you were hired to do.  You’re trying to squeeze every piece of profit out of this company. You’re strip mining it.”  He also posted to Twitter, “Boeing’s planes are falling out of the sky in pieces, but the CEO makes $33 million a year. What exactly is he getting paid to do?”  Meanwhile, at the hearing, Sen. Richard Blumenthal said, “Boeing needs to stop thinking

The Corporate Transparency Act is among the most talked about business law topics in the bar communities I frequent. Basic information and guidance can be found in many places, but nuanced treatments are more rare. I offer one of those rare ones up for your review and consideration today.

Entitled The Corporate Transparency Act Is Happening To You and Your Clients: Dealing with the Tsunami, the analysis and guidance comes from Stoll Keenon Ogden PLLC.  More specifically, one of the two co-authors is friend-of-the-BLPB Tom Rutledge.  His work never disappoints.  I urge you to check it out–all 58 pages of it!  There is even a short resource list at the end with links to some of the key public guidance.  I am grateful for Tom and his colleague, Allison, for putting this together.

Sarah Haan recently led an effort to file an amicus in support of Maine’s effort to bar foreign governments from using business entities to make political contributions.  A copy of the amicus is available here.   I joined in good company alongside Gina-Gail S. Fletcher, George S. Georgiev, Andrew Jennings, Paul Rose, Faith Stevelman, Ciara Torres-Spelliscy, Anne M. Tucker, Cynthia A. Willliams, and Karen Woody.

Maine’s law set a 5% foreign-government-ownership threshold to bar corporations from political donations.  The District Court saw the 5% threshold as arbitrary.  The brief points out that many laws use a 5% ownership threshold to test for shareholder influence and that shareholders may wield significant influence over corporate policies with a 5% stake.

Although it didn’t make the final brief, this background section provides context:

On February 29, 2024, the U.S. District Court for the District of Maine granted Plaintiffs’ motion for preliminary injunction and enjoined a Maine law, “An Act to Prohibit Campaign Spending by Foreign Governments,” 21-A M.R.S. § 1064 (the “Act”). The Act prohibits any “foreign government-influenced entity” from making, directly or indirectly, a “contribution, expenditure, independent expenditure, electioneering communication or any other donation or disbursement of funds to influence the nomination or

Further to Ann’s post on Sunday sharing the text of her comment letter on Delaware’s S.B. 313 (and more particularly the proposal to add a new § 122(18) to the General Corporation Law) and my post on § 122(18) last week, I share below the text of my comment letter to the Delaware State House of Representatives Judiciary Committee.  Although Ann and I each got one minute to deliver oral remarks at the hearing held by the Judiciary Committee on Tuesday, 60 seconds was insufficient to convey my overarching concerns–which represent a synthesis and characterization of selected points from my post last week.  The comment letter shared below includes the prepared remarks I would have conveyed had I been afforded additional time.

Madame Chair and Committee Members:

I appreciated the opportunity to speak briefly at today’s hearing. As I explained earlier today, although I am a professor in the business law program at The University of Tennessee College of Law, my appearance before the committee relates more to my nearly 39 years as a corporate finance practitioner, which has included bar work (most recently and extensively in the State of Tennessee) proposing and evaluating corporate and other business

Dear BLPB Readers:

“The Legal Studies and Business Ethics Department of the Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania, is seeking applicants for a full-time, tenure-track faculty position. We welcome candidates working in any business-relevant area of law and/or ethics, but we are particularly interested in the following areas:

  • Technology / artificial intelligence
  • Corporate law / governance / purpose / responsibility
  • Law and ethics of markets (antitrust / bankruptcy / consumer law)
  • Inequality and discrimination
  • Bioethics / health law
  • Energy / environment / climate

The appointment is expected to begin July 1, 2025. Information about the Legal Studies and Business Ethics Department and the research expertise of its current faculty may be found at: https://lgst.wharton.upenn.edu.”

The complete job posting is here.

image from m.media-amazon.com

As I noted in one of my posts last week, I recently attended the 2024 Law and Society Association Annual Meeting in Denver, Colorado.  CRN46–the corporate and securities law collaborative research network that organizes sessions at the conference–supported a great series of programs at the conference this year.  I was privileged to be able to be a commenting reader for an Author Meets Reader session on Dana Brakman Reiser and Steven Dean’s book For-Profit Philanthropy.  The session was co-sponsored with the tax law collaborative research network (CRN31). 

For-Profit Philanthropy asserts that three for-profit vehicles (LLCs, donor-advised funds affiliated with investment banking entities, and strategic corporate philanthropy activities) operate to decrease donative trust.  They support their conclusion with observations from business entity and tax law.  Their focus is on accountability and transparency.  The story is compelling.  Ultimately, the book offers targeted reform proposals.

Although the panelists’ remarks were not recorded, I scripted out my comments to ensure that I stayed on track.  What I wrote is set forth below.  It represents a rough approximation of what I said (although I always change and add things as I go).

For-Profit Philanthropy represents an important and classic piece of legal

Here is the text of a letter I submitted in advance of the Delaware House Judiciary Committee Meeting regarding the proposed amendments to the DGCL:

Dear Chair Griffith:

I write to express my concerns about S.B. 313, and in particular the proposed amendments to Section 122 of the Delaware General Corporation Law (DGCL).  I believe the proposed amendments will cause Delaware to lose control over its law.

As proposed, the statute authorizes a shift of corporate governance from the charter to private contracts.  Corporate charters are subject to the law of the chartering state, thus, Delaware law.  Private stockholder agreements are not necessarily subject to the law of the chartering state.  That means other states’ laws would govern the interpretation of these contracts, and the appropriate remedies for any breaches.[1]

Additionally, the Federal Arbitration Act (FAA) provides that agreements to arbitrate disputes “shall be valid, irrevocable, and enforceable.”[2]  In practical effect, the FAA bars states, including state courts, from prohibiting or regulating arbitration agreements, and requires that such agreements be enforced as written.  It is likely that the FAA does not apply to corporate charters,[3] which is why Delaware was able to adopt Section 115 of